For the sixth and perhaps last time in his pontificate, Pope John Paul
II has appointed 30 new cardinals, 24 of whom are under 80 years of age
and eligible to vote in a papal conclave. Of the 120 under 80 years of
age, the pope has named 83 percent. The rest were appointed by Paul VI,
with none remaining from those created by John XXIII. John Paul has thus
set the stage for the election of his successor who will govern the church
in the next century.
John Paul has had 16 years to remake the college of cardinals, and the
trend of his changes is now clear. In general he has continued the internationalization
of the college begun under Paul VI. John XXIII, despite his reputation
as a reformer, made the college more Italian and more curial than it was
at the death of Pius XII. Paul VI increased the number of residential
cardinals and the number of Asian and African cardinals. He decreased
the percentage of cardinals from the curia, from Italy, and from the rest
of Western Europe.
John Paul has continued to significantly reduce the percentage of cardinals
from Italy, and has slightly reduced the percentage from the rest of Western
Europe and the curia. He has increased the percentage of cardinals from
Eastern Europe, Asia, and Africa.
The most striking impact of all these changes has been on the Italian
bloc in the college of cardinals. The Italian church still has more cardinal
electors (20) than any other national group, but its strength in the college
has been significantly reduced. The Italian bloc has fallen from 35 percent
of the college at the death of John XXIII to 24 percent at the death of
Paul VI to 17 percent today, half what it was under John XXIII. Only four
Italians were made cardinal this year and all of them are from the curia.
Fewer Italian cardinals reduces (but does not eliminate) the odds in
favor of an Italian successor to John Paul for two reasons. First, the
number of potential Italian candidates is smaller; second, the number
of Italian cardinals backing a specific Italian candidate will be smaller.
In the last conclave, John Paul II was elected because the Italian cardinals
were split between Cardinal Giovanni Benelli and Cardinal Giuseppe Siri.
The only viable Italian compromise was Cardinal Giovanni Colombo, the
76-year old archbishop of Milan, who said he would refuse if elected.
Besides Italy, the other areas that suffered from the reforms of Paul
VI were the rest of Western Europe and the Roman curia, and their numbers
have been slightly reduced under John Paul. The percent of cardinals from
the curia declined from 37 percent at the death of John XXIII to 28 percent
at the death of Paul VI to 27 percent today. The percent from Western
Europe (not counting Italy) went from 29 percent at the death of John
XXIII to 21 percent at the death of Paul VI to 19 percent today. (For
consistency over time, Berlin is considered part of Eastern Europe).
Major beneficiaries of the internationalization of the college of cardinals
has been the churches of Africa and Asia. Asia has gone from 5 percent
at the death of John XXIII to 7.5 percent at the death of Paul VI to 11
percent today. Likewise Africa has gone from 1 percent to 10 percent to
12.5 percent today. The percentage of Latin American cardinals has creeped
up very gradually from 15 percent to 17 percent to 18 percent today. These
changes increase the chances of a pope being elected from a third world
church.
A final beneficiary of the appointments under John Paul has been Eastern
Europe which now has 11 percent of the college of cardinals, twice the
percentage it had at the death of Paul VI.
Italy and the rest of Western Europe have been the losers under these
reforms, while Asia, Africa, and Eastern Europe have been the gainers.
The United States, which with 10 electors has the second highest number
after Italy, went from 6 percent of the college at the death of John XXIII
to 8 percent at the death of Paul VI and today.
The appointment of these new cardinals naturally makes one think about
the next conclave. In addition, accidental falls, broken bones, and the
surgical removal of a tumor the size of an orange from his colon two years
ago have led to much press speculation about the health of Pope John Paul
II. Since it has been the custom of the Vatican never to admit that a
pope is seriously ill until he is dead, many reporters do not believe
the Vatican press office when it says that the pope is in good health
except that his hip is healing slowly. Although I have no reason not to
believe the Vatican spokesperson, the media attention given to the health
of the pope and future papal elections provides an opportunity to examine
the procedures for dealing with the sickness, death (or resignation),
interregnum, and election of a pope.
Problems would arise if a seriously ill pope refused to delegate or if
he went into a coma without having clearly delegated responsibility. Under
such circumstances Vatican officials could continue to operate under their
normal authority but any decision requiring the pope's approval (the appointment
of bishops, the approval of major documents, etc.) would simply have to
wait. If this went on for more than a year, the church would be in serious
trouble.
In earlier centuries this was less of a problem because role of the papacy
was more limited and because doctors were more likely to kill a person
with their care than keep him alive. The ability of modern medicine to
keep the body alive while the mind is deteriorating will eventually present
the church with a constitutional crisis. And despite church teaching that
extraordinary means need not be used to keep alive a dying patient, who
will have the courage to unplug the life support systems of a pope? More
importantly, who will have the credibility within the church to do this
without causing a ecclesial crisis. Clearly the pope should write a living
will to indicate his desires and who has the authority to make such a
decision if he is unconscious. The best choice would be a family member
or old friend whose love and loyalty to the pope would be unquestioned
but who would at the same time have the ability to make a tough decision.
If the pope were psychologically impaired and refused to resign, the
church would be faced with a canonical nightmare. Likewise a pope with
Alzheimer's who refused to step down is not something anyone wants to
contemplate. There are currently no canonically acceptable procedures
for removing a crazy pope. In the good old days his staff might lock him
in his rooms and run the church until he died. In the bad old days someone
would poison him. Either strategy would be difficult to carry out in the
full blaze of today's media attention.
How many crazy popes the church has suffered through in the past is uncertain.
Some who today might be classified as sociopaths governed through terror
and violence. Others became senile or paranoid but continued to function.
How crazy does a pope have to be to be incompetent to govern? Who makes
that decision? Any process for removing a pope for psychological reasons
would be open to corruption, abuse, bad judgment, and misinterpretation.
For example, if the decision were left to the college of cardinals, some
members would be accused of being motivated by ambition rather than the
good of the church. This could be more destructive of church unity than
a demented pope. For example, attempts to deal with Pope Urban VI (1378-89),
who became psychologically unhinged after his election, led to the Great
Western Schism (1378-1417).
Ecumenical councils have attempted to remove popes, but their right to
do so has never been acknowledged by the papacy. The only acceptable way
for a pope to be removed from office is by death or resignation. Some
medieval theologians and canonists argued that a heretical pope would
be spiritually dead and therefore removed, but how this would be done
is uncertain. Who can judge the pope? How could this be done without causing
a schism? Many of Archbishop Lefebvre's followers felt that the pope was
heretical and that Rome, not they, was in schism.
The number popes who may have resigned has been estimated as high as
ten, but the historical evidence is not clear. Pope Celestine V's resignation
in 1294 is the most famous because Dante placed him in hell for it. Most
popes have felt that resignation is unacceptable. As Paul VI said, paternity
cannot be resigned. In addition, Paul feared setting a precedent that
would encourage factions in the church to pressure future popes to resign
for reasons other than health. Nevertheless, the code of cannon law in
1917 provided for the resignation of a pope as do the regulations established
by Paul VI in 1975. However, a resignation induced through fear or fraud
would be invalid.
The camerlengo locks and seals the private apartment of the pope. In
the past looting of papal apartments by his staff, the cardinals, or the
Roman populace was a common custom. Today popes are more concerned that
their private papers not get into the wrong hands. If the pope writes
a will, the executor he appoints will take care of his private property
and his private papers. This executor is answerable only to the next pope.
The pope's Fisherman's ring and his seal are broken to symbolize the end
of his reign and to prevent forgeries.
With the death or resignation of a pope, the see of Rome becomes vacant
and the government of the church is put into the hands of the college
of cardinals according to rules set forth by Paul VI in his constitution
"Romano Pontifici Eligendo" (October 1, 1975). At the first meeting of
the cardinals after the death of the pope, the first half of this document
dealing with the interregnum is read and the cardinals swear to follow
it and observe secrecy. If an ecumenical council or synod of bishops is
in session at the time of the pope's death, they are adjourned until called
back into session by the new pope.
All the cardinals in charge of departments in the Roman curia, including
the secretary of state, loose their jobs when the pope dies. The only
exceptions are the camerlengo, the major penitentiary (Cardinal William
W. Baum), and the vicar of the diocese of Rome. The vicar for Rome provides
for the pastoral needs of the diocese of Rome and continues to have all
of the powers he had under the pope. The major penitentiary deals with
confessional matters reserved to the Holy See, and he is allowed to continue
because door to forgiveness should never be closed.
The camerlengo is the most important official during the interregnum.
While the pope is alive, he has the authority to act for the pope in certain
areas when the pope is away from Rome. With John Paul traveling as much
as he does, this could have been an important job, but modern communications
technology has allowed the pope to be in instant contact with the Roman
curia at all times. As a result, major decisions are referred to the pope
or wait for his return. On the other hand, the camerlengo can make routine
decisions especially in an emergency.
For example, a priest who had left his order and gotten married asked
to be laicized so his marriage could be sacramentalized in the church.
The Vatican has a procedure for dealing with such requests through the
Congregation for Sacraments, but it can take a minimum of five to six
months to complete once the paper work arrives in Rome. His request was
rushed through with extraordinary speed, even though the paper work was
not well prepared, because the man was on his death bed. Every laicization
must be signed by the pope, but when the process was completed the pope
was in Africa. The prefect of the Congregation for Sacraments called the
secretary of state who was traveling with the pope to get the pope's approval.
But in this case the prefect was told to simply have the camerlengo sign
the papers. The local authorities were then notified by phone and the
man was reconciled with the church before he died.
On the death of the pope, the camerlengo takes charge of and administers
the property and money of the Holy See with the help of three cardinal
assistants who are chosen by lot from among those cardinals under 80.
During the interregnum he reports to the college of cardinals and gets
their advice. He arranges for the pope's funeral in accord with instructions
left him by the pope. He also sees to the preparation of the conclave.
Although the government of the church is in the hands of the college
of cardinals until a new pope is elected, the powers of the college are
limited. It cannot change the rules governing papal elections, appoint
cardinals, or make any decisions binding on the next pope. The cardinals
meet daily in a general congregation presided over by the dean of the
college until the conclave begins. All the cardinals attend the general
congregation although attendance by those over 80 is optional.
Three cardinal assistants under 80 are chosen by lot, one from each order,
to form a particular congregation headed by the camerlengo to deal with
matters of less importance. Three days into a conclave, these cardinal
assistants are replaced and every three days new ones are elected. The
cardinals also elect two commissions of three cardinals each. One designates
who besides the cardinals can enter the conclave to perform essential
services. The other commission is in charge of the preparation and enclosing
of the conclave.
Unless circumstances prevent it, the conclave takes place in the Vatican
palace where the cardinals can gather and vote in the Sistine Chapel.
Special cubicles are built in the papal palace to house the cardinals
during the conclave. With the expansion of the college to 120 cardinals,
this has been a tight fit in uncomfortable quarters with hard beds and
limited facilities for washing. A residence for priests is currently under
construction inside the Vatican. The residence is designed with access
to the papal palace so that it could be used by the cardinals during a
conclave. But numerous papal elections have taken place outside of Rome
where the cardinals would be safe from civil disturbances or wars. The
most recent was in 1800 when, after Pope Pius VI died as a prisoner of
Napoleon, the cardinals met in Venice under Austrian protection and elected
Pius VII.
The date and time for beginning the conclave is set by the college of
cardinals. According to Paul VI's constitution, the conclave cannot begin
until at least 15 days after the death of the pope in order to give cardinals
time to get to Rome. As late as 1922 cardinals from North and South America
missed the conclave because of the time it took to get to Rome by boat.
Today, most of the cardinals would have already gathered in Rome for the
funeral of the deceased pope. The conclave must begin within 20 days although
cardinals arriving late may enter and take part in the election.
The first conclave in 1978 began as late as possible while the second
conclave began as early as possible. In both cases the curial cardinals
were accused of either delaying or rushing the election in order to help
their candidate. The delay for the first conclave was at least partly
due to the lack of workers to prepare the conclave quarters during the
traditional August vacation period when Paul VI died. The speed of the
second was probably due to a desire to help the church get over the shock
of John Paul I's death as soon as possible. In any case, the principal
curial candidate, Cardinal Giuseppe Siri, was not elected.
Before entering the conclave the cardinals are already discussing among
themselves and their advisors the possible candidates. For example, prior
to the first 1978 conclave, meetings and discussions had limited the viable
candidates to Cardinal Siri and Cardinal Albino Luciani, who became John
Paul I. The conclave regulations make it clear that a cardinal is not
bound by any promises he makes prior to entering the conclave. Even if
the promises are made under oath, he is still free to vote for whom he
wants. Although the rules forbid the discussion of candidates before the
death of a pope, private discussions among the cardinals do occur.
This democratic process worked well when the church was small and united.
But disagreements led to factions who fought over the papacy. As early
as 217 Rome was divided over whether the community should expel sinners
and apostates who had denied the faith in order to avoid martyrdom. Pope
Callistus I, a former slave and failed banker, was sympathetic to the
view that the church should be a home for sinners as well as saints. He
also made enemies by translating the liturgy from Greek into the vulgar
Latin of the populace. A more conservative faction in Rome wanted to expel
sinners and apostates, and they elected the first anti-pope, Hippolytus.
Sometimes the elections got violent. In 366, mobs and hired thugs from
opposing factions invaded churches and killed opponents by the hundreds.
For protection popes turned to the civil authorities to expel opponents
and to keep the peace, but the civil authorities in Rome quickly started
using their power to influence papal elections. As the popes grew wealthy
and powerful, these struggles became more intense and began to involve
political actors beyond the city of Rome.
Byzantine emperors from Justinian I on claimed the right to approve the
election of a new pope, and newly elected popes sometimes waited months
for this approval before being consecrated. Imperial interference was
sometimes more direct. Empress Theodora, the wife of Justinian, used her
money and influence to get Vigilius elected pope in 537 after he had promised
to reject the council of Chalcedon (451). Vigilius had been the nuncio
to Constantinople where he got to know the imperial family. But after
Vigilius was elected, he did not deliver on his promise because he found
the Western bishops supportive of Chalcedon. In 545 he was arrested at
mass in Rome by the Byzantine police and hauled off to Constantinople
where he tried to appease the empress. In the process he alienated Western
bishops, and the bishops of North Africa excommunicated him as a heretic.
He died a broken man on his way back to Rome.
After the eighth century, the papal electors were limited to the Roman
clergy. This followed the pattern of other dioceses where the clergy elected
the bishop. Pope Leo I described the ideal by saying that no one could
be a bishop unless he was elected by the clergy, accepted by his people,
and consecrated by the bishops of his province. Limiting the electors
to the clergy did not stop papal elections from being influenced by money
and threats from civil authorities or powerful families. Theophylact and
his family were able to control papal elections during much of the tenth
century. After Leo V was imprisoned, tortured, and killed in 903, the
family had little trouble manipulating the papacy for decades. John XI
(931-935), for example, was reputed to be the son of Pope Sergius III
and Theophylact's 13-year old daughter.
In an attempt to reform the electoral process, Nicholas II (1059-61)
proposed a system whereby the cardinal bishops would meet to nominate
a candidate and then invite in the cardinal priests to vote on him. This
reduced the clergy to the same role as the laity--accepting the man chosen
by the cardinals. In 1179, Alexander III modified this system by including
all the cardinals in the election process from the beginning.
The cardinals are divided into three orders or categories: cardinal deacons,
cardinal priests, and cardinal bishops. The cardinal priests were the
pastors of major churches in Rome and the cardinal deacons were important
administrators in the diocese. The cardinal bishops were the bishops of
the six dioceses surrounding Rome. In the 11th century popes began appointing
prelates in distant lands as cardinals. Sometimes laymen were also appointed
cardinals. The maximum number of cardinals was set at 70 by Sixtus V in
1586. John XXIII ignored this limit and the college grew to over 80 cardinals.
He also made them all bishops. In 1970 Paul VI reformed the college of
cardinals by increasing the number of electors to 120, not counting those
80 years of age and over who were excluded as electors.
Popes have appointed as cardinals archbishops of major sees and members
of the Roman curia. They have tended to appoint people who were their
friends and supporters as well as the leaders of major factions within
the church. Sometimes appointments were sold to raise money for the papacy
as occurred when the pope needed money to pay for the painting of the
Sistine Chapel.
With the electors limited to the college of cardinals, those who wished
to influence papal elections tried to pressure the cardinals or tried
to get their friends appointed cardinals. The history of the papacy is
filled with stories of Roman and Italian families, French and Spanish
kings, and German emperors fighting for control of the papacy and the
college of cardinals. And when persuasion was unsuccessful, they resorted
to bribery, threats, and violence. Armies would threaten Rome and popes
were imprisoned or forced into exile.
Catholic monarchs, following the example of the Byzantine emperors, also
claimed the "right of exclusion" to block the election of candidates they
judged to be inimical to their national interests. Spanish and French
kings would frequently veto each others candidates. The last attempt to
exercise such a veto was at the 1903 conclave where Cardinal Puszyna,
archbishop of Krakow, reported that Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria and
Hungary opposed the election of Cardinal Rampolla, the leading candidate.
Pius X, elected at this conclave, abolished the right of exclusion.
According to the decree of Alexander III, the election of the pope required
a two-thirds majority, a law that remained in force until Pius XII made
it two-thirds plus one in 1945. Divisions within the college of Cardinals
have sometimes made it difficult for a candidate to obtain a two-thirds
majority vote until they turn to a compromise candidate. In the thirteenth
century the papacy was vacant for a year and a half before the election
of Innocent IV and for three and a half years before the installation
of Gregory X. In the first case the election was finally forced by the
senate and people of Rome who locked up the cardinals until a pope was
chosen. Likewise, in the second case, the people of Viterbo not only locked
the cardinals in, but tore off the roof of the building and put the cardinals
on a diet of bread and water.
Gregory X institutionalized this practice in 1274 with the conclave,
a word that comes from the Latin for locked with a key. Under his system,
the cardinals would be locked in one room where they would sleep and vote.
After three days their food would be limited to one dish a meal. After
eight days they got only bread and water. Such severe regulations were
not always enforced, but conclaves could still be dangerous to a cardinal's
health. In July 1623, eight cardinals and 40 of their assistants died
of malaria during a very hot conclave. Drastic measures have not been
necessary in recent time to speed a conclave to its conclusion. The last
conclave to last more than four days was in 1831. It lasted 54 days.
Besides the cardinals, very few people are admitted into the conclave:
the secretary of the college of cardinals, the vicar of the Vatican (who
currently is a cardinal) with one or more assistants to take care of the
sacristy, the papal master of ceremonies and assistants, and an assistant
to the cardinal dean. Also allowed into the conclave are some religious
priests to act as confessors in various languages. Practical considerations
allow for the presence of two doctors (a surgeon and general practitioner)
and two medical assistants as well as the architect of the conclave and
two technicians. In addition, there are others to take care of the needs
to the conclave.
Those who are not ex officio members of the conclave are chosen by a
majority of the cardinals on the recommendation of the camerlengo and
the three cardinal assistants with the help of the commission mentioned
earlier. The cardinals may not bring personal assistants with them except
for reasons of serious illness, and then they must have the permission
of the commission of cardinals responsible for screening conclavists.
All these people are sworn to secrecy concerning what happens in the conclave.
After a mass in St. Peter's, the cardinals enter the Sistine Chapel,
and after a prayer is said, everyone not connected with the conclave is
ordered out with the Latin words "Extra omnes." No cardinal may leave
the conclave without the permission of the other cardinals. The second
part of the constitution "Romano Pontifici Eligendo" is then read and
the cardinals take an oath to observe the rules laid down in the constitution,
especially those enjoining secrecy and forbidding the interference in
the election by civil authorities. They also swear that if elected they
will "affirm, defend and if necessary vindicate integrally and strenuously
the spiritual and temporal rights and liberty of the Holy See."
After the oath the cardinal dean gives a brief address exhorting the
cardinals to carry out the election in the manner prescribed while looking
only for the good of the universal church. Then those entrusted with guarding
the conclave from the outside take an oath to fulfill their duties. These
include the prefect of the papal household, the special delegate of the
Pontifical Commission for the Vatican City, and the commandant of the
Swiss Guard. Also taking an oath are the cleric prelates of the Apostolic
Camera, the apostolic protonotaries, and the judges of the Roman Rota
who are entrusted with guarding and inspecting whatever is brought into
or taken out of the conclave.
The cardinals then retire to their rooms except for the camerlengo and
the three cardinal assistants who oversee the locking of the conclave
after they have searched the premises for any unauthorized persons. As
part of this inspection the technicians sweep the area for bugs or other
electronic devices since no communications is allowed with the outside.
Nor are radios, recording devices, or cameras allowed in the conclave.
All phone lines are disconnected except for one in the comerlengo's room
to be used only for emergencies. These inspections are continued during
the conclave to maintain security. Even the windows are sealed and curtains
shut. Meanwhile the outside is being secured and locked, with the key
being kept by the special delegate of the Pontifical Commission for Vatican
City who is the top lay official in Vatican City.
No one may enter to speak to anyone in the conclave unless they do so
in the presence of the prelates charged with guarding the conclave. No
newspapers are allowed into the conclave. No letters or documents are
allowed in or out of the conclave unless they are inspected by the secretary
of the conclave and the commission charged with guarding the conclave.
The only exception is for letters between the Apostolic Penitentiary and
the cardinal major penitentiary. The purpose of these regulations is to
insulate the cardinals from outside pressure and to preserve the secrecy
of the conclave.
The next morning the cardinals assemble in the Sistine Chapel for mass
and immediately afterwards the election begins. The constitution "Romano
Pontifici Eligendo" describes three ways in which an election can take
place. The first is by acclamation or by inspiration when the cardinals,
"as it were through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, freely and spontaneously,
unanimously and aloud, proclaim one individual as supreme pontiff." This
form of election must be accepted unanimously by the cardinals.
The second method is by delegation when the cardinal electors entrust
to a group of their members (an odd number not to exceed nine) the power
of electing on behalf of them all. Whomever the group chooses will then
be pope. Again, the decision to follow this method must be unanimous,
and the cardinals must unanimously agree on the procedures to be followed
by this committee. For example, "whether they should first propose to
the entire body of electors the person whom they intend to elect, or whether
they should carry out the election directly; whether all the delegates
should agree upon the same person or whether they should nominate only
a member of the electoral body or also someone outside it, etc." The committee
must complete its work in the time frame set by the other cardinals or
its mandate expires.
The third and ordinary manner of electing the pope is by scrutiny, the
name coming from the scrutineers who count the ballots. The regulations
for this method are very detailed to eliminate any possibility of electoral
fraud. Three scrutineers are chosen by lot from among the electors with
the least senior cardinal deacon drawing the names. He draws three additional
names of cardinals (Infirmari) who will collect the ballots of any cardinals
in the conclave who are too sick to come to the Sistine Chapel. A final
three names are drawn by lot to act as revisers who review the work done
by the scrutineers.
Only the cardinals are allowed in the chapel during the actual election.
The electors use rectangular cards as ballots with "Eligo in Summum Pontificiem"
printed at the top. When folded down the middle the ballot is only one
inch wide. Each cardinal in secret prints or writes the name of his choice
on the ballot in a way that disguises his hand writing. Then one at a
time, in order of precedence, the cardinals approach the altar with their
folded card held up so that it can be seen. On the altar there is a receptacle
(traditionally a large chalice) covered by a plate (a paten). After kneeling
in prayer for a short time, the cardinal rises and swears, "I call to
witness Christ the Lord who will be my judge, that my vote is given to
the one who before God I consider should be elected." He then places the
ballot on the paten. Finally he picks up the paten and uses it to drop
the ballot into the chalice. The use of the paten makes it difficult for
a cardinal to drop two ballots into the chalice. The first scrutineer
also uses the paten as a cover when shaking the chalice to mix the ballots.
Despite the oath, many cardinals on the first ballot cast a "complementary"
vote for their patron or someone they admire but who has no chance of
being pope. Sometimes the complementary vote will be for the senior cardinal
from their country or their part of the world. In the past it is clear
that electors often voted during early ballots for candidates they did
not want elected as a means of disguising their true intentions.
Valérie Pirie reports that in 1513, "Many of the cardinals, wishing
to temporize and conceal their real intentions, had voted for the man
they considered least likely to have any supporters. As luck would have
it thirteen [of the twenty five] prelates had selected the same candidate,
with the result that they all but elected Arborense, the most worthless
nonentity present." At the 1559 conclave, Cardinal La Queva secretly approached
a large number of cardinals and individually asked them to vote for him
on the next ballot so that he would get at least one vote during the conclave.
None of them knew that others had been approached. The trick was discovered
just before the vote took place. Since the cardinal was known as a practical
joker the trick caused more humor than consternation.
The second vote is in earnest as cardinals begin to vote for the real
candidates. In subsequent votes it is important that a candidate keep
increasing his tally and not stall short of the goal as happened to the
leading contenders (Cardinal Giovanni Benelli and Cardinal Siri) at the
second conclave in 1978. As the tally mounts a bandwagon effect can take
place as uncommitted cardinals turn to the candidate whose supporters
continue to increase. If it is obvious who is going to win on the next
vote, most cardinals will go for the winner in order to show their support
for the new pope. Sometimes the final holdouts will cast blank votes in
order to hide which factions is refusing to come on board.
In order to make sure that no cardinal voted twice, in the past cardinals
signed their names on a part of the ballot but this is no longer done.
Today the ballots are first counted by the scrutineers before being unfolded.
If the number of ballots does not correspond to the number of electors,
the ballots are burned without being counted and another vote is immediately
taken. In addition, if during the tabulation of the votes the scrutineers
discover two cards folded in such a way as to appear to be filled in by
one elector, they are counted as one vote if they are for the same person.
If they are for different persons, then neither vote is counted.
If the number of cards does match the number of electors, the scrutineers,
who are sitting at a table in front of the altar, begin counting the votes.
The first scrutineer unfolds the card, notes the name on a piece of paper,
and passes the card to the second scrutineer. He then notes the name and
passes it to the third scrutineer who reads it aloud for all the cardinals
to hear and make note of it. The last scrutineer pierces each card with
a threaded needle through the word "eligo" and places it on the thread.
After all the ballots have been read, the ends of the thread are tied
and the cards thus joined are placed in an empty receptacle. The scrutineers
then add up the totals for each candidate. The three revisers then check
both the cards and the notes of the scrutineers to make sure that they
performed their task faithfully and exactly.
The ballots and notes (including those made by any cardinal) are then
burned unless another vote is to take place immediately. If a second vote
takes place, the materials from two votes are burned at the same time.
The ballots are burned by the secretary of the conclave and the master
of ceremonies who adds special chemicals make the smoke white or black.
At the two 1978 conclaves, the master of ceremonies, Virgilio Noè,
in burning the ballots didn't listen to the custodians' instructions so
that the smoke gave confusing signals to the people in St. Peter's square.
If no one receives the required two-thirds-plus-one votes, a second vote
takes place immediately. There can be two votes in the morning and two
in the afternoon. If after three days (twelve votes) the cardinals have
still not elected anyone, the voting sessions can be suspended for one
day for prayer and discussion among the voters. Then another seven votes
take place followed by a suspension and another seven votes. During the
third pause, the camerlengo consults with the electors concerning the
manner of proceeding. For example, would they like to try the delegation
method? Would they like to limit the candidates to the top two in the
last vote? Would they like to determine the election by an absolute majority
plus one? Any of these changes would require unanimous approval of the
electors before they could be tried.
Although there have been long conclaves in the past, a long one today
would be unusual. In the last 160 years, the two longest conclaves took
only four days. One has to go back to 1831 to find a conclave lasting
54 days or to 1800 for one that lasted three and a half months.
After the election of the pope, the secretary of the conclave, the master
of ceremonies and his assistants are called into the room with the cardinals.
The dean of the college of cardinals then asks the one elected, "Do you
accept your canonical election as supreme pontiff?" After he says yes,
the dean asks him by what name he wants to be called. The master of ceremonies
then draws up documents testifying to the acceptance and the pope's new
name. The custom of taking a new name began in 533 when a priest named
Mercury was elected pope and felt that the name of a pagan God was inappropriate
for the successor of St. Peter.
On rare occasions people have turned down the papacy. When offered the
papacy at the Viterbo conclave mentioned above, St. Philip Benizi fled
and hid until another candidate was chosen. Likewise St. Charles Boremeo,
one of the few cardinals to be canonized, turned down the papacy when
it was offered to him. Again when Cardinal Giovanni Colombo, the 76-year
old archbishop of Milan, began receiving votes during the October 1978
conclave, he made it clear that he would refuse the papacy if elected.
But normally those approached accept.
The cardinals can elect whomever they wish as pope as long as he is a
baptized male, and even the baptized part is negotiable as long as the
man is willing to be baptized, ordained a priest, and then consecrated
bishop of Rome. (If one believes that a woman could be a bishop, than
a woman could be elected pope). In 590 a layman, a civil lawyer who had
been prefect of Rome, was elected Pope Gregory I, later know as Gregory
the Great. But in recent centuries the practice has been to elect someone
from the college of cardinals. Since in the past some cardinals were not
bishops, sometimes a priest or layman was chosen. A priest was last chosen
in 1831 when Gregory XVI was elected. Even lay cardinals have been chosen
as occurred in 1455 when Cardinal Alfonso Borgia was elected. Today there
are no cardinals under 80 who are not already bishops.
As soon as the man elected consents to being pope, if he is already a
bishop, he is immediately bishop of Rome and pope with full authority.
No other ceremony is necessary. If he is not a bishop, he must be ordained
immediately and then he becomes bishop of Rome. The cardinals then individually
approach the new pope, pay him homage, and promise their obedience. After
the conclave, the pope used to be crowned with the tiara by the senior
cardinal deacon, but John Paul I did away with that custom.
Once a pope is elected, his election cannot be invalidated even if he
bought the election. Nor is he bound by any promises he made to get votes,
even if these promises were made under oath.
Paul VI gave serious consideration to changing the method of papal election.
In 1973 he revealed a tentative plan to expand the electorate to allow
the Eastern-rite patriarchs and the 15 members of the Council of the Permanent
Secretariat of the Synod of Bishops to join the cardinals in electing
the pope. Twelve members of the council are elected by the synod; three
bishops from each continent (the Americas are considered one continent
by Europeans!). The remaining three members of the council are appointed
by the pope. Since some of these men might be cardinals already, it is
uncertain how many noncardinals would actually be electors.
Some papal advisers argued against any change simply because it was against
tradition. Others supported the status quo on the grounds that the cardinals,
who are assigned titular churches in Rome, are considered members of the
Roman clergy. This makes Rome one of the last dioceses in the Western
church where the clergy (or at least a part of it) still elects their
bishop. To add noncardinal electors would violate this canonical legerdemain.
Paul VI limited his changes to increasing the college to 120 cardinals
who must be under 80 years of age. This change in itself was revolutionary.
He also internationalized the college so that it became less curial, less
Italian, and less Western European and more African and Asian.
History teaches that there is no perfect method for electing a pope.
Even Jesus did not do too well since his choice, St. Peter, denied him
and ran away on Good Friday. Those who would like the electoral process
more democratic should examine the early history of papal elections which
were rife with strife and mob violence. They should also study contemporary
Italian politics. One shudders at the thought of the people of Rome electing
the pope. Not only have they elected Communist mayors in the past, there
would be nothing to prevent popular papal elections becoming as corrupt
as the rest of Italian politics. The papacy would simply become another
prize for Italian politicians.
The election of the pope by the clergy of Rome also raises serious questions.
Rome has very few priests who were actually born in Rome. The Rome diocese
would be swamped with politically ambitious clerics from all over Italy
if priests incardinated in Rome became the papal electors.
Some have proposed the election of the pope by a special synod of bishops.
This would imitate some of the Eastern-rite churches where metropolitans
and patriarchs are elected by synods of bishops. Election by a special
synod would be an attractive option, but the method for selecting the
synod members would inevitably be controversial. How representative should
it be? Should representation be based on the number of Catholics, the
number of practicing Catholics, or the number of bishops? How would the
members be selected? Would the selection of synodal members take place
after the pope's death? Within what time frame? Would campaigning be allowed?
How divisive would such a method be? What would happen in countries where
the church is not free from state interference?
Or the election could be by an ecumenical council. During the Second
Vatican Council some people wanted the council rather than the college
of cardinals to choose the successor of John XXIII. This would avoid the
question of representation since all bishops would attend including over
900 retired bishops. But a 3,200-member electorate would be cumbersome.
It would be almost impossible lock up such a large group, and the divisions
and politics would be difficult to hide. A council that unanimously chose
a pope would certainly help church unity, but an acrimonious council with
members publicly fighting for months over papal candidates would be a
disaster for church unity.
But those defending the election of the pope by the college of cardinals
must also acknowledge that their system has produced numerous bad popes
including those who gave disastrous leadership to the church in the centuries
prior to the Reformation. In the past the college was not immune to influence
from civil authorities using threats, violence, and bribes. Nor has the
college's choice or manner of proceeding always fostered church unity.
Today papal elections are free from interference by civil authorities,
but there is no guarantee that this freedom will continue indefinitely.
In fact, history warns us against complacently expecting rulers to keep
their hands off the papacy. The present procedures encourage continuity
between papacies since the pope appoints many of the electors who will
choose his successor. In general, this is good for church unity because
it keeps the church from being jerked around by popes with radically different
agendas. On the other hand, in a rapidly changing world, excessive continuity
may endanger unity if the church cannot respond to the signs of the times.
No electoral system is perfect. Picking a name out of a hat, as was done
to replace Judas, might be preferable to a divisive election. Ultimately
a mere human being is elected. He will be helped by the prayers of all
the church and by the advice of those he selects. But ultimately each
Christian must look to Jesus for salvation, not to the pope. The church
is the people of God gathered around the successors of Peter and the Apostles.
Making the church a loving community in prayer and service is the job
of every Christian, not just the hierarchy. The pope and the bishops exercise
an indispensable role in this process, but the community becomes the body
of Christ only if it is open to the Spirit.
Thomas J. Reese, S.J., is a senior fellow at the Woodstock Theological
Center at Georgetown University. This academic year he is a visiting fellow
at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, DC, where he is writing a
book on the Vatican.
By Thomas J. Reese, S.J., senior fellow at the Woodstock Theological Center
America, November 19, 1994
Copyright © 1994 by America
Press
All rights reserved
Sickness
If the pope becomes sick, he can delegate authority to the cardinal secretary
of state or to any other person. In the long history of the papacy, popes
have formally or informally delegated authority to Vatican officials, cardinal
nephews, and even their mistresses and children. But today the logical person
to run the church while the pope is sick would be Cardinal Angelo Sodano,
the secretary of state, who is more like a prime minister than a U.S. secretary
of state.
Interregnum
The rules governing a conclave and the governance of the church during the
interregnum were updated by Paul VI in the constitution "Romano Pontifici
Eligendo" (October 1, 1975). When the pope dies, the prefect of the papal
household (Bishop Dino Monduzzi) informs the camerlengo or chamberlain who
must verify his death in the presence of the papal master of ceremonies,
the cleric prelates of the Apostolic Camera, and the secretary of the Apostolic
Camera who draws up a death certificate. The camerlengo (Cardinal Eduardo
Martinez Somalo) tells the vicar of Rome (Cardinal Camillo Ruini) of the
pope's death and the vicar then informs the people of Rome. Meanwhile the
prefect of the papal household tells the dean (Cardinal Bernardin Gantin)
of the college of cardinals who informs the rest of the college, the ambassadors
accredited to the Holy See, and the heads of nations. Although this is the
formal procedure, in fact most people will first hear of the death of the
pope through Vatican Radio.
Papal Elections
Today the pope is elected by the college of cardinals, but this was not
always the case. The election of the pope was not limited to the college
of cardinals until the 11th century. The first pope, St. Peter, was chosen
by Jesus. A few early popes, including St. Peter, may have appointed their
own successor, but this method did not gain acceptance. In the early church,
popes were usually chosen by the clergy and people of Rome in the same way
that bishops in other dioceses were elected.
Conclave
According to the reforms instituted by Pope Paul VI, only cardinals under
80 years of age can vote for a pope. No cardinal under 80 can be excluded
from the conclave, even if he is excommunicated, unless he has been canonically
deposed or has renounced the cardinalate. Paul VI also set the maximum number
of voting cardinals at 120.
Conclusion
The procedures used to elect a pope are not of divine origin, and many people
have suggested different methods of choosing a pope. History teaches us
that any electoral process must be judged especially on two grounds: Does
it limit or increase the danger of manipulation by civil authorities? Will
it help or hinder church unity?
See also